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SPEAKOUT: If goal is prestige, China poised to fail

By Levi Tillemann

Published August 8, 2008 at 12:05 a.m.

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No one has worked as hard to boost international expectations for the 2008 Summer Olympics as Beijing. Initially, Beijing promised to improve domestic human rights and press freedoms. More recently, it vowed to host a “Green Olympics.” Most grandiosely, perhaps, the games’ slogan promises “One World, One Dream.” Sadly, all these commitments seem poised for failure. China’s Olympics will be measured against the historical precedents of its regional neighbors Japan and Korea. In this context, there are major areas where the PRC just doesn’t compete — most prominently in the fields of social and political development. The upcoming Olympics are likely to be shrouded in smog, oppression and controversy, and unless Beijing takes bold steps now, they will mar rather than bolster China’s reputation and future.

In Asia, the Olympics have been seen as a stamp of international approval and a chance for political redemption. Countries have hosted confident and successful games by extending freedoms and, to various degrees, confronting their pasts. China is doing just the opposite.

Take a step back in time. At the 1964 Olympics, Japan dazzled the world with the sophistication of a society reformed from within. This was Japan’s second opportunity to host the games, the first being revoked with the outbreak of World War II. Tokyo saw in the Olympics an opportunity to put the nation’s best face forward under a slogan of global unity.

Unlike China today, by 1964 Japan was already poised for technological leadership. Foreign correspondents were enthralled by the country’s accelerated modernity. “Artificial satellites” broadcast the games in color internationally for the first time, the world’s first bullet train was unveiled, and myriad other innovations foreshadowed the country’s rise to greatness.

Japan’s leaders eschewed nationalism. The chairman of Japan’s Olympic Committee even suggested removing national flags from the games. The country demonstrated its historical memory by selecting a young athlete born in Hiroshima on the day of the atomic blast to light the Olympic cauldron. Rather than apologize directly for World War II, the Japanese government advanced a broad critique of jingoism and war. This has remained Japan’s primary strategy for dealing with inconvenient historical issues.

Though not without controversy, the games were a runaway success. The atmosphere was “buoyant,” and Tokyo was optimistically described as an “Asian Paris.” Some 125,000 foreign tourists flooded the city, and ships had to be transformed into floating hotels for 4,000 visitors. An impotent emperor, Hirohito, sat mostly motionless at the closing ceremonies, and the once-feared Japanese police all but ignored a number of jokesters who rushed the Olympic field.

In 1981, South Korea’s authoritarian leader Chun Doo-hwan sought to emulate Japan’s success. His concept was to use the Olympics to bolster the regime’s legitimacy against the backdrop of a growing North Korean threat. But history intervened. Ten months before the games, Hwan’s government was toppled, and his chief aide, Roh Tae-woo, was democratically elected to the presidency.

A new symbolism took precedence. The games were an international gala, and Korean democracy the debutant. In the weeks leading up to the Olympics, Roh lifted the nightly curfew and relaxed media restrictions.

Freedom expanded with unpredictable consequences. When U.S. competitors broke ranks during the opening ceremonies to joyously wave signs and snap photos, there was an anti-U.S. backlash. Local news outlets blasted the Americans as rude and arrogant. The firestorm of controversy was so severe that the prime minister issued a cautionary statement denouncing “emotionalism” against Korea’s “ally and protector.”

“I hope this passes soon,” lamented one Foreign Ministry official.

Still, the games were seen as a success, and the global community relished the insight they provided into one of the world’s newest democracies.

On the precipice of a new East Asian Olympiad, China’s rough spots have already transformed the Olympics into a lightning rod for criticism. Sudan’s genocide continues — abetted by the Chinese government; Robert Mugabe’s regime clings to power in Zimbabwe — defended by Chinese weapons; and Tibet and Xinjiang remain in a virtual lockdown.

To some, China’s celebrated political neutrality and stunning economic achievements augured a favorable climate for an Olympic party. However, the weather has taken an ominous turn for the worse.

In March, the ostentatious Olympic torch relay morphed into a global debacle. In Athens, London, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo and Seoul, an unprecedented level of security could not diffuse massive protests against Beijing’s human rights abuses in Tibet and elsewhere. A month later, the PRC came under fire for extending a lifeline to Mugabe in the form of the An Yuejiang — a cargo boat brimming with deadly antipersonnel weaponry. Dockworkers in Durban and Luanda refused to unload the ammunition, and citizens protested Beijing’s intervention.

China’s reaction was troubling and telling. For the Olympic torch relay, Beijing rallied an army of overseas Chinese to stage flag-waving, chest-beating counter-protests across the globe — raising deeply unsettling questions about the loyalties, capabilities and intentions of overseas Chinese communities. On Zimbabwe, the Chinese leadership either turned tail and ran, and did so unapologetically, or secretly airlifted the An Yuejiang’s weapons to Harrare — depending on which version of events one believes.

The government has brought 100,000 local and paramilitary police, plus 200,000 security guards, to Beijing to maintain order during the games. More than 400,000 uniformed “social volunteers” have been trained to “watch foreigners and minorities and call the police if they do anything wrong.” Police helicopters drone over the city, and anti-aircraft missiles encircle Olympic venues. Meanwhile, designated protest zones are located far away on the city’s periphery. Ominous rumblings from civil society, the media and security forces portend the possibility of a harsh post-Olympics crackdown.

There is a better way. Rather than gripping the reins of power knuckle-white, Beijing should relax its hold. To save the Olympics, China should offer a gift to the international community and the Chinese people. Perhaps it could announce that the country’s first nationwide municipal elections will be held before the next Olympics in 2012. The Olympic fete would be heralded an instant success.

Instead, China’s leaders are overcompensating. In the supercharged atmosphere, one international protest, Olympic loss to Japan or terrorist attack could unleash a xenophobic torrent. Indeed, if China’s leaders continue to use the Olympics as a mechanism for gaining international prestige and cementing their authority, they risk catastrophic failure — on both counts.

Levi Tillemann is a doctoral student in East Asia Studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies and was a Fulbright Scholar in Taiwan and China. His brother, Corban Tillemann, who is a student at Johns Hopkins, works in Beijing and contributed research.

Comments

  • August 8, 2008

    7:15 a.m.

    Suggest removal

    ColetteDD2 writes:

    China is a huge economic player in today's global marketplace. China's economic size and strength were the primary reason the IOC chose it to host the Olympics. Bigger isn't necessarily better, not every thing is about money and behavior reveals charachter.

    If China thought hosting the Olympics would provide them an opportunity to show off; they were right. But what we're seeing is immaturity, arrogance and charachter unworthy of praise. Leadership requires charachter, the willingness and capacity to listen and respond to criticism.

    The Chinese government chose control over letting its people embrace its visitors. Visitors usually mean celebration, discussion and debate for the betterment of all. It appears thier leaders don't grasp the difference between criticism and dismissal.

    I wish all the athletes well in thier competitions. But I won't be watching, listening or reading Olympic stories. Wrong is wrong and plastering the Olympic Rings everywhere in Beijing doesn't change that.

    Colette Duranleau, Denver, CO

  • August 8, 2008

    9:06 p.m.

    Suggest removal

    Sweetpickle writes:

    Hate the chinese all you want, but they put on a heck of an opening ceremony.

  • August 10, 2008

    2:28 p.m.

    Suggest removal

    gary writes:

    Yes, all and well,...but China's government is exactly what Obama and the rest want to turn America into.

    Nobama '08'

    Nuff Said!

  • August 11, 2008

    7:58 a.m.

    Suggest removal

    jennifereu writes:

    Hear hear! The Chinese government and what it stands for is counter to the spirit of the Olympics. From the Olympic charter: it's about 'the educational value of good example and respect for universal fundamental ethical principles.' I don't understand how they awarded Beijing this honor to begin with. The Olympics is about the celebration of humanity, human freedom and ability. It should not be held in a capital city which regularly denies human and civil rights, which misleads its 1.3 billion citizens with propaganda and access to uncensored information, and which oppresses neighboring states like Tibet and Taiwan. Taiwan is a completely sovereign, self-governing, democratic state which wants to be recognized and given full rights as such. Free Tibet! Independence for Taiwan!

  • August 28, 2008

    2:19 a.m.

    Suggest removal

    aries writes:

    "For the Olympic torch relay, Beijing rallied an army of overseas Chinese to stage flag-waving, chest-beating counter-protests across the globe"
    --As far as I know, in the US the counter-protests were organized by Chinese students themselves voluntarily, with no orders from Beijing at all.

    "More than 400,000 uniformed “social volunteers” have been trained to “watch foreigners and minorities and call the police if they do anything wrong.” "
    --These social volunteers, mostly college students in Beijing, were trained to welcome anyone (both foreigners and Chinese) who came for the Olympics. They help visitors find directions, and answer any questions about the games and about Beijing. I saw one foreigner who was not feeling well because of the hot weather, and a social volunteer gave him water and a chair so he could rest a little bit.

    "Police helicopters drone over the city, and anti-aircraft missiles encircle Olympic venues."
    --I see helicopters every time I go to NYC. I don't see any problem improving security during the Olympics.

    "Meanwhile, designated protest zones are located far away on the city’s periphery. "
    --Three parks that are designated as protest zones are World Park, Zizhuyuan Park, and Ditan Park. Just a quick search you can find out they are pretty easy to access. Zizhuyuan Park, for example, is across the street from the Capital Indoor Stadium, where all Olympic volleyball games took place.

    Comment from someone who has lived both in the US and Beijing and is now in Beijing watching the Olympics.